The US National Security Enterprise

NAT IONA L SE C U R I T Y
S T R AT EG Y
F E BRUA RY 2 01 5
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Today, the United States is stronger and better positioned to seize the opportunities of a still new century
and safeguard our interests against the risks of an insecure world.
America’s growing economic strength is the foundation of our national security and a critical source
of our influence abroad. Since the Great Recession, we have created nearly 11 million new jobs during
the longest private sector job growth in our history. Unemployment has fallen to its lowest level in 6
years. We are now the world leader in oil and gas production. We continue to set the pace for science,
technology, and innovation in the global economy.
We also benefit from a young and growing workforce, and a resilient and diversified economy. The
entrepreneurial spirit of our workers and businesses undergirds our economic edge. Our higher education
system is the finest in the world, drawing more of the best students globally every year. We continue
to attract immigrants from every corner of the world who renew our country with their energy and
entrepreneurial talents.
Globally, we have moved beyond the large ground wars in Iraq and Afghanistan that defined so much of
American foreign policy over the past decade. Compared to the nearly 180,000 troops we had in Iraq and
Afghanistan when I took office, we now have fewer than 15,000 deployed in those countries. We possess
a military whose might, technology, and geostrategic reach is unrivaled in human history. We have
renewed our alliances from Europe to Asia.
Now, at this pivotal moment, we continue to face serious challenges to our national security, even as
we are working to shape the opportunities of tomorrow. Violent extremism and an evolving terrorist
threat raise a persistent risk of attacks on America and our allies. Escalating challenges to cybersecurity,
aggression by Russia, the accelerating impacts of climate change, and the outbreak of infectious diseases
all give rise to anxieties about global security. We must be clear-eyed about these and other challenges
and recognize the United States has a unique capability to mobilize and lead the international community
to meet them.
Any successful strategy to ensure the safety of the American people and advance our national security
interests must begin with an undeniable truth—America must lead. Strong and sustained American
leadership is essential to a rules-based international order that promotes global security and prosperity as
well as the dignity and human rights of all peoples. The question is never whether America should lead,
but how we lead.
Abroad, we are demonstrating that while we will act unilaterally against threats to our core interests, we
are stronger when we mobilize collective action. That is why we are leading international coalitions to
confront the acute challenges posed by aggression, terrorism, and disease. We are leading over 60 partners
in a global campaign to degrade and ultimately defeat the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL)
in Iraq and Syria, including by working to disrupt the flow of foreign fighters to those countries, while
keeping pressure on al-Qa’ida. We are leading a global effort to stop the deadly spread of the Ebola virus
at its source. In lockstep with our European allies, we are enforcing tough sanctions on Russia to impose
costs and deter future aggression.
Even as we meet these pressing challenges, we are pursuing historic opportunities. Our rebalance to Asia
and the Pacific is yielding deeper ties with a more diverse set of allies and partners. When complete, the
Trans-Pacific Partnership will generate trade and investment opportunities—and create high-quality jobs
at home—across a region that represents more than 40 percent of global trade. We are primed to unlock
the potential of our relationship with India. The scope of our cooperation with China is unprecedented,
even as we remain alert to China’s military modernization and reject any role for intimidation in resolving
territorial disputes. We are deepening our investment in Africa, accelerating access to energy, health, and
food security in a rapidly rising region. Our opening to Cuba will enhance our engagement in our own
hemisphere, where there are enormous opportunities to consolidate gains in pursuit of peace, prosperity,
democracy, and energy security.
Globally, we are committed to advancing the Prague Agenda, including by stopping the spread of nuclear
weapons and securing nuclear materials. We are currently testing whether it is possible to achieve a
comprehensive resolution to assure the international community that Iran’s nuclear program is peaceful,
while the Joint Plan of Action has halted the progress of Iran’s program. We are building on our own
energy security—and the ground-breaking commitment we made with China to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions—to cement an international consensus on arresting climate change. We are shaping global
standards for cybersecurity and building international capacity to disrupt and investigate cyber threats.
We are playing a leading role in defining the international community’s post-2015 agenda for eliminating
extreme poverty and promoting sustainable development while prioritizing women and youth.
Underpinning it all, we are upholding our enduring commitment to the advancement of democracy and
human rights and building new coalitions to combat corruption and to support open governments and
open societies. In doing so, we are working to support democratic transitions, while also reaching out to
the drivers of change in this century: young people and entrepreneurs.
Finally, I believe that America leads best when we draw upon our hopes rather than our fears. To succeed,
we must draw upon the power of our example—that means viewing our commitment to our values and
the rule of law as a strength, and not an inconvenience. That is why I have worked to ensure that America
has the capabilities we need to respond to threats abroad, while acting in line with our values—prohibiting
the use of torture; embracing constraints on our use of new technologies like drones; and upholding our
commitment to privacy and civil liberties. These actions are a part of our resilience at home and a source
of our influence abroad.
On all these fronts, America leads from a position of strength. But, this does not mean we can or should
attempt to dictate the trajectory of all unfolding events around the world. As powerful as we are and
will remain, our resources and influence are not infinite. And in a complex world, many of the security
problems we face do not lend themselves to quick and easy fixes. The United States will always defend
our interests and uphold our commitments to allies and partners. But, we have to make hard choices
among many competing priorities, and we must always resist the over-reach that comes when we make
decisions based upon fear. Moreover, we must recognize that a smart national security strategy does not
rely solely on military power. Indeed, in the long-term, our efforts to work with other countries to counter
the ideology and root causes of violent extremism will be more important than our capacity to remove
terrorists from the battlefield.
The challenges we face require strategic patience and persistence. They require us to take our
responsibilities seriously and make the smart investments in the foundations of our national power.
Therefore, I will continue to pursue a comprehensive agenda that draws on all elements of our national
strength, that is attuned to the strategic risks and opportunities we face, and that is guided by the
principles and priorities set out in this strategy. Moreover, I will continue to insist on budgets that
safeguard our strength and work with the Congress to end sequestration, which undercuts our national
security.
This is an ambitious agenda, and not everything will be completed during my Presidency. But I believe
this is an achievable agenda, especially if we proceed with confidence and if we restore the bipartisan
center that has been a pillar of strength for American foreign policy in decades past. As Americans,
we will always have our differences, but what unites us is the national consensus that American global
leadership remains indispensable. We embrace our exceptional role and responsibilities at a time when
our unique contributions and capabilities are needed most, and when the choices we make today can mean
greater security and prosperity for our Nation for decades to come.
Table of Contents
I. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
II. Security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Strengthen Our National Defense . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Reinforce Homeland Security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Combat the Persistent Threat of Terrorism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Build Capacity to Prevent Conflict . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Prevent the Spread and Use of Weapons of Mass Destruction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Confront Climate Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Assure Access to Shared Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Increase Global Health Security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
III. Prosperity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Put Our Economy to Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Advance Our Energy Security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Lead in Science, Technology, and Innovation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Shape the Global Economic Order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
End Extreme Poverty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
IV. Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Live Our Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Advance Equality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Support Emerging Democracies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Empower Civil Society and Young Leaders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Prevent Mass Atrocities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
V. International Order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Advance Our Rebalance to Asia and the Pacific . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
Strengthen Our Enduring Alliance with Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Seek Stability and Peace in the Middle East and North Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Invest in Africa’s Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Deepen Economic and Security Cooperation in the Americas . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
VI. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
I. Introduction
In a young century, opportunities for America abound, but risks to our security remain. This new National
Security Strategy positions the United States to safeguard our national interests through strong and
sustainable leadership. It sets out the principles and priorities to guide the use of American power and
influence in the world. It advances a model of American leadership rooted in the foundation of America’s
economic and technological strength and the values of the American people. It redoubles our commitment to allies and partners and welcomes the constructive contributions of responsible rising powers.
It signals our resolve and readiness to deter and, if necessary, defeat potential adversaries. It affirms
America’s leadership role within a rules-based international order that works best through empowered
citizens, responsible states, and effective regional and international organizations. And it serves as a
compass for how this Administration, in partnership with the Congress, will lead the world through a
shifting security landscape toward a more durable peace and a new prosperity.
This strategy builds on the progress of the last 6 years, in which our active leadership has helped the
world recover from a global economic crisis and respond to an array of emerging challenges. Our
progress includes strengthening an unrivaled alliance system, underpinned by our enduring partnership with Europe, while investing in nascent multilateral forums like the G-20 and East Asia Summit.
We brought most of our troops home after more than a decade of honorable service in two wars
while adapting our counterterrorism strategy for an evolving terrorist threat. We led a multinational
coalition to support the Afghan government to take responsibility for the security of their country,
while supporting Afghanistan’s first peaceful, democratic transition of power. The United States led
the international response to natural disasters, including the earthquake in Haiti, the earthquake and
tsunami in Japan, and the typhoon in the Philippines to save lives, prevent greater damage, and support
efforts to rebuild. We led international efforts to stop the proliferation of nuclear weapons, including by
building an unprecedented international sanctions regime to hold Iran responsible for failing to meet
its international obligations, while pursuing a diplomatic effort that has already stopped the progress
of Iran’s nuclear program and rolled it back in key respects. We are rebalancing toward Asia and the
Pacific while seeking new opportunities for partnership and investment in Africa and the Americas,
where we have spurred greater agriculture and energy-related investments than ever before. And at
home and abroad, we are taking concerted action to confront the dangers posed by climate change
and to strengthen our energy security.
Still, there is no shortage of challenges that demand continued American leadership. The potential
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear weapons, poses a grave risk. Even as
we have decimated al-Qa’ida’s core leadership, more diffuse networks of al-Qa’ida, ISIL, and affiliated
groups threaten U.S. citizens, interests, allies, and partners. Violent extremists exploit upheaval across the
Middle East and North Africa. Fragile and conflict-affected states incubate and spawn infectious disease,
illicit weapons and drug smugglers, and destabilizing refugee flows. Too often, failures in governance
and endemic corruption hold back the potential of rising regions. The danger of disruptive and even
destructive cyber-attack is growing, and the risk of another global economic slowdown remains. The
international community’s ability to respond effectively to these and other risks is helped or hindered by
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NAT I O NA L S E C U R I T Y S T R AT E G Y
the behaviors of major powers. Where progress has been most profound, it is due to the steadfastness
of our allies and the cooperation of other emerging powers.
These complex times have made clear the power and centrality of America’s indispensable leadership
in the world. We mobilized and are leading global efforts to impose costs to counter Russian aggression, to degrade and ultimately defeat ISIL, to squelch the Ebola virus at its source, to stop the spread
of nuclear weapons materials, and to turn the corner on global carbon emissions. A strong consensus
endures across our political spectrum that the question is not whether America will lead, but how we
will lead into the future.
First and foremost, we will lead with purpose. American leadership is a global force for good, but it is
grounded in our enduring national interests as outlined in the 2010 National Security Strategy:
•• The security of the United States, its citizens, and U.S. allies and partners;
•• A strong, innovative, and growing U.S. economy in an open international economic system that
promotes opportunity and prosperity;
•• Respect for universal values at home and around the world; and
•• A rules-based international order advanced by U.S. leadership that promotes peace, security,
and opportunity through stronger cooperation to meet global challenges.
Especially in a changing global environment, these national interests will continue to guide all we do
in the world. To advance these interests most effectively, we must pursue a comprehensive national
security agenda, allocate resources accordingly, and work with the Congress to end sequestration. Even
so, our resources will never be limitless. Policy tradeoffs and hard choices will need to be made. In such
instances, we will prioritize efforts that address the top strategic risks to our interests:
•• Catastrophic attack on the U.S. homeland or critical infrastructure;
•• Threats or attacks against U.S. citizens abroad and our allies;
•• Global economic crisis or widespread economic slowdown;
•• Proliferation and/or use of weapons of mass destruction;
•• Severe global infectious disease outbreaks;
•• Climate change;
•• Major energy market disruptions; and
•• Significant security consequences associated with weak or failing states (including mass atrocities, regional spillover, and transnational organized crime).
We will seize strategic opportunities to shape the economic order and cultivate new relationships with
emerging economic powers and countries newly committed to peaceful democratic change. We will
also capitalize on the potential to end extreme poverty and build upon our comparative advantages in
innovation, science and technology, entrepreneurship, and greater energy security.
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We will lead with strength. After a difficult decade, America is growing stronger every day. The U.S.
economy remains the most dynamic and resilient on Earth. We have rebounded from a global recession by creating more jobs in the United States than in all other advanced economies combined. Our
military might is unrivaled. Yet, American exceptionalism is not rooted solely in the strength of our arms
or economy. Above all, it is the product of our founding values, including the rule of law and universal
rights, as well as the grit, talent, and diversity of the American people.
In the last 6 years alone, we arrested the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression and catalyzed a
new era of economic growth. We increased our competitive edge and leadership in education, energy,
science and technology, research and development, and healthcare. We achieved an energy transformation in North America. We are fortifying our critical infrastructure against all hazards, especially cyber
espionage and attack. And we are working hard to safeguard our civil liberties while advancing our
security.
America’s strategic fundamentals are strong but should not be taken for granted. We must be innovative and judicious in how we use our resources to build up our national power. Going forward, we will
strengthen our foundation by growing our economy, modernizing our defense, upholding our values,
enhancing the resilience of our homeland, and promoting talent and diversity in our national security
workforce.
We will lead by example. The strength of our institutions and our respect for the rule of law sets an
example for democratic governance. When we uphold our values at home, we are better able to promote
them in the world. This means safeguarding the civil rights and liberties of our citizens while increasing
transparency and accountability. It also means holding ourselves to international norms and standards
that we expect other nations to uphold, and admitting when we do not. We must also demonstrate our
ability to forge diverse partnerships across our political spectrum. Many achievements of recent years
were made possible by Democrats and Republicans; Federal, state and local governments; and the public
and private sectors working together. But, we face continued challenges, including political dysfunction
in Washington that undermines national unity, stifles bipartisan cooperation, and ultimately erodes the
perception and strength of our leadership abroad. American leadership is always most powerful when
we are able to forge common ground at home around key national priorities.
We will lead with capable partners. In an interconnected world, there are no global problems that can
be solved without the United States, and few that can be solved by the United States alone. American
leadership remains essential for mobilizing collective action to address global risks and seize strategic
opportunities. Our closest partners and allies will remain the cornerstone of our international engagement. Yet, we will continuously expand the scope of cooperation to encompass other state partners,
non-state and private actors, and international institutions—particularly the United Nations (U.N.),
international financial institutions, and key regional organizations. These partnerships can deliver
essential capacity to share the burdens of maintaining global security and prosperity and to uphold
the norms that govern responsible international behavior. At the same time, we and our partners must
make the reforms and investments needed to make sure we can work more effectively with each other
while growing the ranks of responsible, capable states. The United States is safer and stronger when
fewer people face destitution, when our trading partners are flourishing, and when societies are freer.
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We will lead with all the instruments of U.S. power. Our influence is greatest when we combine all
our strategic advantages. Our military will remain ready to defend our enduring national interests while
providing essential leverage for our diplomacy. The use of force is not, however, the only tool at our
disposal, and it is not the principal means of U.S. engagement abroad, nor always the most effective for
the challenges we face. Rather, our first line of action is principled and clear-eyed diplomacy, combined
with the central role of development in the forward defense and promotion of America’s interests. We will
continue pursuing measures to enhance the security of our diplomats and development professionals
to ensure they can fulfill their responsibilities safely in high-risk environments. We will also leverage a
strong and well-regulated economy to promote trade and investment while protecting the international
financial system from abuse. Targeted economic sanctions will remain an effective tool for imposing costs
on irresponsible actors and helping to dismantle criminal and terrorist networks. All our tools are made
more effective by the skill of our intelligence professionals and the quality of intelligence they collect,
analyze, and produce. Finally, we will apply our distinct advantages in law enforcement, science and
technology, and people-to-people relationships to maximize the strategic effects of our national power.
We will lead with a long-term perspective. Around the world, there are historic transitions underway
that will unfold over decades. This strategy positions America to influence their trajectories, seize the
opportunities they create, and manage the risks they present. Five recent transitions, in particular, have
significantly changed the security landscape, including since our last strategy in 2010.
First, power among states is more dynamic. The increasing use of the G-20 on global economic matters
reflects an evolution in economic power, as does the rise of Asia, Latin America, and Africa. As the balance of economic power changes, so do expectations about influence over international affairs. Shifting
power dynamics create both opportunities and risks for cooperation, as some states have been more
willing than others to assume responsibilities commensurate with their greater economic capacity. In
particular, India’s potential, China’s rise, and Russia’s aggression all significantly impact the future of
major power relations.
Second, power is shifting below and beyond the nation-state. Governments once able to operate with
few checks and balances are increasingly expected to be more accountable to sub-state and non-state
actors—from mayors of mega-cities and leaders in private industry to a more empowered civil society.
They are also contending with citizens enabled by technology, youth as a majority in many societies,
and a growing global middle class with higher expectations for governance and economic opportunity.
While largely positive, these trends can foster violent non-state actors and foment instability—especially
in fragile states where governance is weak or has broken down—or invite backlash by authoritarian
regimes determined to preserve the power of the state.
Third, the increasing interdependence of the global economy and rapid pace of technological change
are linking individuals, groups, and governments in unprecedented ways. This enables and incentivizes
new forms of cooperation to establish dynamic security networks, expand international trade and investment, and transform global communications. It also creates shared vulnerabilities, as interconnected
systems and sectors are susceptible to the threats of climate change, malicious cyber activity, pandemic
diseases, and transnational terrorism and crime.
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Fourth, a struggle for power is underway among and within many states of the Middle East and North
Africa. This is a generational struggle in the aftermath of the 2003 Iraq war and 2011 Arab uprisings,
which will redefine the region as well as relationships among communities and between citizens and
their governments. This process will continue to be combustible, especially in societies where religious
extremists take root, or rulers reject democratic reforms, exploit their economies, and crush civil society.
Fifth, the global energy market has changed dramatically. The United States is now the world’s largest
natural gas and oil producer. Our dependence on foreign oil is at a 20-year low—and declining—and we
are leading a new clean energy economy. While production in the Middle East and elsewhere remains
vitally important for the global market, increased U.S. production is helping keep markets well-supplied
and prices conducive to economic growth. On the other hand, energy security concerns have been
exacerbated by European dependence on Russian natural gas and the willingness of Russia to use energy
for political ends. At the same time, developing countries now consume more energy than developed
ones, which is altering energy flows and changing consumer relationships.
Today’s strategic environment is fluid. Just as the United States helped shape the course of events in
the last century, so must we influence their trajectory today by evolving the way we exercise American
leadership. This strategy outlines priorities based on a realistic assessment of the risks to our enduring
national interests and the opportunities for advancing them. This strategy eschews orienting our entire
foreign policy around a single threat or region. It establishes instead a diversified and balanced set of
priorities appropriate for the world’s leading global power with interests in every part of an increasingly
interconnected world.
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II. Security
The United States government has no greater responsibility than protecting the American people. Yet,
our obligations do not end at our borders. We embrace our responsibilities for underwriting international security because it serves our interests, upholds our commitments to allies and partners, and
addresses threats that are truly global. There is no substitute for American leadership whether in the
face of aggression, in the cause of universal values, or in the service of a more secure America. Fulfilling
our responsibilities depends on a strong defense and secure homeland. It also requires a global security
posture in which our unique capabilities are employed within diverse international coalitions and in
support of local partners. Such a shift is possible after a period of prolonged combat. Six years ago,
there were roughly 180,000 U.S. troops in Iraq and Afghanistan. Today, there are fewer than 15,000. This
transition has dramatically reduced U.S. casualties and allows us to realign our forces and resources to
meet an evolving set of threats while securing our strategic objectives.
In so doing, we will prioritize collective action to meet the persistent threat posed by terrorism today,
especially from al-Qa’ida, ISIL, and their affiliates. In addition to acting decisively to defeat direct threats,
we will focus on building the capacity of others to prevent the causes and consequences of conflict to
include countering extreme and dangerous ideologies. Keeping nuclear materials from terrorists and
preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons remains a high priority, as does mobilizing the international community to meet the urgent challenges posed by climate change and infectious disease.
Collective action is needed to assure access to the shared spaces—cyber, space, air, and oceans—where
the dangerous behaviors of some threaten us all.
Our allies will remain central to all these efforts. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is the
world’s preeminent multilateral alliance, reinforced by the historic close ties we have with the United
Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, and Canada. NATO is stronger and more cohesive than at any point in
its history, especially due to contributions of the Nordic countries and newer members like Poland and
the Baltic countries. Our alliances in Asia underwrite security and enable prosperity throughout Asia and
the Pacific. We will continue to modernize these essential bilateral alliances while enhancing the security
ties among our allies. Japan, South Korea, and Australia, as well as our close p

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